池恒
1976.03.01
by Chih Heng
[This article is reprinted from Peking Review , #13, March 26, 1976, pp. 6-8, 20.
The individual referred to as “the capitalist-roader in the Party who
refuses to mend his ways” is of course Teng Hsiao-ping (Deng Xiaoping).]
伟大领袖毛主席亲自发动和领导的回击右倾翻案风的伟大斗争，正在教育、科技、文艺等上层建筑的各个领域健康地发展，批判的锋芒，直指提出“三项指示为纲”那个党内不肯改悔的走资本主义道路的当权派。这是无产阶级文化大革命的继续和深入，是政治思想战线上无产阶级和资产阶级、社会主义和资本主义、马克思主义和修正主义的又一次大较量。认真地学习毛主席的重要指示，坚决击退这股右倾翻案风，深入地批判那条同毛主席革命路线相对抗的修正主义路线，批判“三项指示为纲”的修正主义纲领，使这场斗争取得更大的胜利，这是摆在全党同志和全国人民面前的一件大事。经过这场斗争，我们的广大干部和群众，必将受到一次深刻的马克思主义、列宁主义、毛泽东思想的教育，进一步提高阶级斗争和路线斗争的觉悟；我国的社会主义革命和建设事业，必将大大地向前推进一步。
THE great struggle initiated and led by our great leader Chairman Mao to beat back the Right de viationist wind to reverse previous correct verdicts is developing soundly in various spheres of the superstructure, including education, science and technology, and art and literature. The spearhead of the criticism is directed at the capitalist-roader inside the Party who refuses to mend his ways, the one who put forward the revisionist programme of “taking the three directives as the key link.” A continuation and deepening of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, this struggle is yet another major trial of strength on the political and ideological front between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between socialism and capitalism, and between Marxism and revisionism.
Through this struggle, the cadres and masses will certainly receive a profound lesson in Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought and further raise their consciousness of class struggle and the struggle between the two lines. Through it our country’s socialist revolution and construction will certainly take a giant stride forward.
革命大辩论的深入发展，向人们提出了一些发人深省的问题：为什么有的人在新民主主义革命时期革过别人的命，到了社会主义革命时期总是同革命唱反调，成了走资本主义道路的当权派？为什么有的走资派受到文化大革命的批判之后，发誓“永不翻案”，可是重新工作没多久就大刮右倾翻案风，对文化大革命又是翻案又是算帐，成了不肯改悔的走资派？为什么不肯改悔的走资派要否认社会主义社会的阶级、阶级矛盾和阶级斗争，反对以阶级斗争为纲，公然抛出“三项指示为纲”的修正主义纲领，同毛主席为我们党制定的基本路线相对抗？针对这些问题，用马克思主义、列宁主义、毛泽东思想作指导，运用阶级分析的方法来剖析党内不肯改悔的走资派的阶级立场和世界观，就可以找到这股右倾翻案风的阶级根源和思想根源，可以更好地发挥反面教员的作用，使我们从中得到有益的教训。
The deepening of the revolutionary mass debate has raised a number of thought-provoking questions: Why is it that some people who were revolutionaries in the period of the new-democratic revolution have become capitalist-roaders in the period of the socialist revolution? Why does the capitalist-reader who refuses to mend his ways deny the existence of classes, class contradictions and class struggle in socialist society, oppose taking class struggle as the key link and run counter to the basic line formulated by Chairman Mao for our Party?
We can find the class and ideological origins of the Right deviationist wind by using the Marxist method of class analysis and draw beneficial lessons accordingly.
一九五九年，毛主席在党的八届八中全会上曾经深刻地指出，党内的右倾机会主义分子从来不是无产阶级革命家，只不过是跑到无产阶级革命队伍里来的资产阶级、小资产阶级的民主派；他们从来不是马克思列宁主义者，只不过是党的同路人。党内不肯改悔的走资派，也正是这样一种人。他们是带着资产阶级民主主义思想来参加无产阶级革命队伍的，他们在组织上入了党，思想上并没有完全入党，甚至完全没有入党。他们在程度不同地接受党的最低纲领即新民主主义革命纲领时，并没有把它同党的最高纲领即社会主义、共产主义的纲领联系起来，他们不懂得也不准备去实践党的最高纲领。也就是说，他们的世界观并不是无产阶级的共产主义世界观，而是一个资产阶级的王国。这种资产阶级立场、世界观又没有在长期的革命斗争中得到改造；当革命从新民主主义革命阶段向社会主义革命阶段转变的时候，他们的思想并没有随着革命的转变而转变。相反，他们的身子虽然进了社会主义社会，思想却还停止在民主革命阶段，这就决定了他们对社会主义革命必然产生抵触甚至反对。资产阶级民主派的立场和世界观，代表资产阶级，就是右倾翻案风的阶级根源和思想根源。
At the Eighth Plenary Session of the Party’s Eighth Central Committee in 1959, Chairman Mae penetratingly pointed out that Right opportunist elements in the Party had never been proletarian revolutionaries. They were merely bourgeois or petty-bourgeois democrats who had found their way into the proletarian revolutionary ranks. Nor had they ever been Marxist-Leninists, but were fellow-travellers of the Party. The capitalist-roader in the Party who refuses to mend his ways is also one of this kind. When he and other such people joined the proletarian revolutionary ranks, they brought with them the ideology of bourgeois democracy. When they accepted to varying degrees the Party’s minimum programme, that is, the programme of the new-democratic revolution, they did not associate it with the Party’s maximum programme, that is, the winning of socialism and communism. They do not understand the Party’s maximum programme, nor are they prepared to work for its realization. In other words, their world outlook is not a proletarian communist world outlook but a bourgeois one. Furthermore, this bourgeois stand and world outlook have not been remoulded in the course of protracted revolutionary struggles. When the revolution advanced from the stage of the new-democratic revolution to that of socialist revolution, their ideology failed to keep pace with the revolutionary advance. On the contrary, although they had physically entered socialist society, ideologically they were still in the stage of the democratic revolution. This determined their inevitable conflict with and even opposition to the socialist revolution. The bourgeois democratic stand and world outlook represent the bourgeoisie and are the class and ideological origins of the Right deviationist wind to reverse correct verdicts.
我们党领导的新民主主义革命和社会主义革命，是性质、对象、任务都有本质区别的两个革命阶段。前者发生在半殖民地半封建社会的旧中国，它要解决的主要矛盾，是包括工人、农民、小资产阶级、民族资产阶级在内的人民大众，同帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义的矛盾。所以它的性质是反帝反封建的资产阶级民主革命，它的任务，是在无产阶级领导下，推翻帝国主义、封建地主阶级和官僚买办资产阶级在中国的统治，把革命引向社会主义。随着新民主主义革命的胜利，我国的社会性质和主要矛盾已经发生变化。无产阶级同资产阶级的矛盾成了国内的主要矛盾。这个主要矛盾，不仅存在于社会上，而且反映到党内。我们所进行的社会主义革命，就是无产阶级反对资产阶级和一切剥削阶级的革命。革命的锋芒主要是指向资产阶级，指向党内走资本主义道路的当权派。它的任务是要用无产阶级专政代替资产阶级专政，用社会主义战胜资本主义，并在长期的阶级斗争中逐步造成资产阶级既不能存在又不能产生的条件，最后消灭阶级，实现共产主义。一九四九年中华人民共和国成立，标志着社会主义革命阶段的开始。在毛主席革命路线的指引下，二十多年来，社会主义革命已经取得了伟大的胜利，但是还远远没有完结，还在继续深入发展。革命转变了，向前发展了，要求人们的思想也要随着革命的转变而转变，随着革命的发展而发展。如果思想还停止在旧阶段，用资产阶级民主派的立场和世界观来认识和对待社会主义革命，那就会代表资产阶级，就会成为走资派，成为社会主义革命的对象。
The new-democratic revolution and the socialist revolution led by the Chinese Communist Party are two revolutionary stages whose character, targets and tasks are essentially different. The former took place in the old China of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society. The principal contradiction it aimed to resolve was the contradiction between the masses of the people including, workers, peasants, the petty and national bourgeoise on one side and imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat-capitalism on the other. Therefore, it was anti-imperialist and anti-feudal bourgeois democratic revolution in character. Its task was to strive under the leadership of the proletariat to overthrow the rule of imperialism, the feudal landlord class and the bureaucrat-comprador bourgeoisie in China, and to lead the revolution to socialism.
With the victory of the new-democratic revolution, the character and principal contradiction of the Chinese society changed. The contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie became the principal contradiction in our country. This contradiction not only exists in society at large but is also reflected in the Party. The socialist revolution we are carrying out is a revolution waged by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes. The spearhead of the revolution is directed mainly against the bourgeoisle and against Party persons in power taking the capitalist road. Its task is to replace the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie with the dictatorship of the proletariat, use socialism to defeat capitalism, and through protracted class struggle gradually create conditions in which it will be impossible for the bourgeoisie to exist, or for a new bourgeoisie to arise, and finally eliminate classes and realize communism. The founding of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 marked the beginning of the socialist revolutionary stage.
If one’s ideology still remains at the old stage and views and treats the socialist revolution from the stand and world outlook of bourgeois democrats, one will become a representative of the bourgeoisie, a capitalist-roader and a target of the socialist revolution.
我国新民主主义革命胜利以后，在毛主席革命路线的指引下，广大工人、贫下中农，广大党员、干部没有停顿，而是沿着社会主义道路继续前进。但是党内有一些人的思想还停止在民主革命阶段，不想沿着社会主义道路继续前进，继续革命了。不前进，就会倒退，不革命，就会搞复辟，不走社会主义道路，必然要走资本主义道路。列宁曾经指出：“有些人象小私有者一样看待对资本家的胜利，他们说：‘资本家已经捞了一把，现在该轮到我了。’”党内不肯改悔的走资派不也是这样吧？他们害怕社会主义革命革到自己头上，触动私有制，触动他们所喜欢的资产阶级法权，触动他们要维护的传统观念，触动他们的资产阶级立场和世界观，成了资产阶级的代表。社会主义革命越深入，他们同革命的矛盾，同坚持继续革命的工人、贫下中农的矛盾，也就越尖锐。在社会主义革命的进程中，他们后退了，反对革命了。就是那个作为右倾翻案风“风源”的不肯改悔的走资派，曾经反对农业合作化和人民公社化，支持包产到户，鼓吹“不管白猫黑猫，捉住老鼠就是好猫”的谬论，后来又反对文化大革命，镇压革命群众运动，现在又闹翻案、搞复辟。从资产阶级民主派到走资本主义道路的当权派，从民主革命时期党的同路人到社会主义时期的反对派、复辟派，从思想停止在资产阶级民主革命阶段到搞修正主义，这不正是不肯改悔的走资派所实际走过的道路吗？
After the victory of the new-democratic revolution in China, the ideology of some people in the Party remained at the stage of the democratic revolution and they did not want to continue the revolution along the socialist road. Isn’t this true of the capitalist-roader in the Party who refuses to mend his ways? He and his followers are afraid that the socialist revolution will bring them under fire and will affect private ownership, bourgeois right which they cherish, the traditional ideas they want to uphold and their bourgeois class stand and world outlook. They therefore become representatives of the bourgeoisie. The deeper the socialist revolution goes, the sharper becomes the contradiction between them and the revolution and between them and the workers and poor and lower-middle peasants who persevere in continuing the revolution. As the socialist revolution moves forward, they fall back and oppose revolution.
It is precisely the capitalist-roader refusing to mend his ways who opposed agricultural co-operation and the people’s commune and supported “the fixing of farm output quotas for individual households with each on its own.” Later, he set himself up against the Great Cultural Revolution and suppressed the revolutionary mass movement, and now made every effort to reverse correct verdicts and restore capitalism.
历史的经验和现实的斗争都说明，在社会主义革命时期，思想还停止在资产阶级民主革命阶段，就会搞修正主义，推行修正主义路线。毛主席指出：“修正主义是一种资产阶级思想。修正主义者抹杀社会主义和资本主义的区别，抹杀无产阶级专政和资产阶级专政的区别。他们所主张的，在实际上并不是社会主义路线，而是资本主义路线。”从思想体系和阶级根源来看，资产阶级的立场、世界观和修正主义是一致的。机会主义、修正主义是工人运动中代表资产阶级利益的派别和思想，它的特征是叛卖无产阶级的根本利益，向资产阶级投降。修正主义者总是站在资产阶级立场上，鼓吹阶级调和论，阶级斗争熄灭论和唯生产力论，总是用这些修正主义谬论，来反对无产阶级对资产阶级的阶级斗争，反对无产阶级专政。从伯恩施坦、考茨基到托洛茨基、布哈林，从赫鲁晓夫、勃列日涅夫到刘少奇、林彪，都是这么干的。党内不肯改悔的走资派，也是这样。他迫不及待地抛出“三项指示为纳”的修正主义纲领，鼓吹阶级斗争熄灭论和唯生产力论，以此来否定党的基本路线，同马克思主义、列宁主义、毛泽东思想关于阶级斗争和无产阶级专政的理论相对抗；并用它来干扰、破坏毛主席亲自发动和领导的无产阶级专政理论的学习运动和评论《水浒》；用它在各个领域推行修正主义路线。去年在教育、科技、文艺以及其他战线出现的反对毛主席革命路线，反对文化大革命和社会主义新生事物的各种奇谈怪论，就是根据“三项指示为纲”这个修正主义纲领派生出来的。思想停止在民主革命阶段，否认社会主义时期的阶级、阶级矛盾和阶级斗争，就必然要搞修正主义。党内不肯改悔的走资派刮起的右倾翻案风，又一次说明了这一点。
Chairman Mao has pointed out: “Revisionism is one form of bourgeois ideology. The revisionists deny the differences between socialism and capitalism, between the dictatorship of the proletariat and the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. What they advocate is in fact not the socialist line but the capitalist line.” ( Speech at the Chinese Communist Party’s National Conference on Propaganda Work .)
In terms of ideology and class origin, the bourgeois class stand and world outlook are in accord with revisionism. Opportunism, or revisionism, is a faction and school of thought in the workers’ movement which represents the interests of the bourgeoisie. Its special feature is betrayal of the fundamental interests of the proletariat and capitulation to the bourgeoisie. Revisionists invariably preach class conciliation, the dying out of class struggle and the theory of productive forces from a bourgeois class stand. They invariably use these revisionist fallacies to oppose the class struggle waged by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, and oppose the dictatorship of the proletariat. From Bernstein and Kautsky to Trotsky and Bukharin, and from Khrushchov and Brezhnev to Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, all acted in this way. This is true also of the capitalist-roader who has refused to mend his ways. He put forward the revisionist programme of “taking the three directives as the key link” and advocated the theories of the dying out of class struggle and of productive forces to counter the theories of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought on class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat. He also used it to interfere with and undermine the movement to study the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the criticism of the novel Water Margin , both initiated and led by Chairman Mao. He also used it to push the revisionist line in various fields. The absurdities, which appeared last year in the educational, scientific and technological fields, in literature and art and other spheres in opposition to Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, the Great Cultural Revolution and the socialist new things, all stemmed from this revisionist programme. He whose ideology remains in the stage of the democratic revolution, denying the existence of classes, class contradictions and class struggle in the socialist period, is bound to practise revisionism.
毛主席说：“什么‘三项指示为纲’，安定团结不是不要阶级斗争，阶级斗争是纲，其余都是目。”这是对“三项指示为纲”的修正主义纲领的深刻批判。二十多年来，我们所进行的社会主义革命已经取得了伟大的胜利，但是，阶级斗争并没有熄灭。失败的阶级，人还在，阶级还在，还要挣扎，时刻梦想着复辟；资产阶级和小资产阶级还存在，大量未改造好的知识分子还存在；小生产的习惯势力和传统影响还存在，还在产生资产阶级和资本主义。所有这些不是人们都看见了的事实吗！资产阶级在党内的代理人，刘少奇、林彪反党集团妄图颠覆无产阶级专政、复辟资本主义的阴谋活动，不是使人们感到惊心动魄吗！林彪一类党内新的资产阶级分子的产生，不是给我们以深刻的教育吗！清华大学的同志说得好：走资派还在走，投降派确实有。在这种情况下，能说阶级斗争熄灭了吗？党内不肯改悔的走资派抛出“三项指示为纲”，鼓吹阶级斗争熄灭论和唯生产力论，并不是要真正熄灭阶级斗争，他们是要扑灭无产阶级对资产阶级的斗争，而代表资产阶级向无产阶级进行斗争。他们要安定团结、发展生产是假，不要无产阶级专政，而要资本主义复辟才是真的。他们的修正主义路线是破坏安定团结、破坏社会主义生产的。这就从反面告诉我们，必须坚持以阶级斗争为纲，从政治、经济、思想文化各个方面，加强无产阶级对资产阶级的全面专政，不断地把社会主义革命推向前进。
Chairman Mao has said: “What ‘taking the three directives as the key link’! Stability and unity do not mean writing off class struggle; class struggle is the key link and everything else hinges on it.” This is a penetrating criticism of the revisionist programme of “taking the three directives as the key link.” We have won great victories in socialist revolution in the past 20 years and more but class struggle has not died out. Members of the defeated class are still around, this class still exists and is still struggling and dreaming of a comeback; the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie still exist; large numbers of intellectuals who have not been thoroughly remoulded still exist; the force of habit and conventional influences of the small producers still exist and are still engendering the bourgeoisie and capitalism. Are these not facts known to everyone? Were people not greatly shocked at the subversive activities of the anti-Party cliques of Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, agents of the bourgeoisie inside the Party who attempted to overthrow the dictatorship of the proletariat and restore capitalism? Isn’t the emergence of new bourgeois elements in the Party such as Lin Piao and his like a profound lesson to us? Under such circumstances, how can it be said that class struggle has died out? In putting forward ideas such as “taking the three directives as the key link” and talking of the dying out of class struggle and the theory of productive forces, people like the capitalist-roader in the Party who has refused to mend his ways do not really want to abolish class struggle. What they are really after is to extinguish the struggle waged by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and fight the proletariat on behalf of the bourgeoisie. They pretend to want stability and unity and to develop production; what they really want is to reject the dictatorship of the proletariat and restore capitalism. Their revisionist line is in fact detrimental to stability and unity and socialist production.
民主革命胜利以后，是把革命停止在旧阶段不再前进，还是坚持搞社会主义革命，为最终实现共产主义而奋斗，也就是说要不要坚持不懈地革资产阶级的命，这是无产阶级革命派和资产阶级民主派、马克思主义者和修正主义者的一个根本分歧。社会主义时期党内两条路线的斗争，正是围绕着这个问题展开的。修正主义路线的头子因为他们自己代表资产阶级，都反对革资产阶级的命，特别反对革党内资产阶级的命。党内不肯改悔的走资派为什么对文化大革命那么反感？为什么把文化大革命中涌现出来的社会主义新生事物，看成眼中钉、肉中刺，千方百计地想把它们“整”掉，而对文化大革命批判过的资本主义、修正主义的黑货，又那么舍不得，总想把它们恢复过来？就是因为“无产阶级文化大革命，实质上是在社会主义条件下，无产阶级反对资产阶级和一切剥削阶级的政治大革命”。这场大革命摧毁了刘少奇、林彪两个资产阶级司令部，批判了他们的修正主义路线，整了党内走资派，革了党内资产阶级的命，批判了资产阶级和一切剥削阶级的意识形态，对不适应社会主义经济基础的教育、文艺及其他上层建筑进行了改革。所有这些，同党内不肯改悔的走资派所代表的资产阶级利益，所顽固坚持的资产阶级立场和世界观是相对抗的，同他们极力要走的那条资本主义道路是背道而驰的。这就决定了他们必然要充当无产阶级文化大革命的反对派。人们还清楚地记得，就是那个带头刮右倾翻案风的人，在文化大革命初期，同刘少奇一起推行资产阶级反动路线，企图把轰轰烈烈的革命群众运动镇压下去。然而，这种倒行逆施并没有能够扭转革命车轮的前进，文化大革命和批林批孔运动取得了伟大的胜利。但不肯改悔的走资派并没有从中吸取教训，仍然代表资产阶级，用修正主义的眼光来看待这场大革命，把文化大革命以后的大好形势看成一团漆黑，总认为这也不行，那也不好，不翻案、不复辟就不舒服。“只要人家说你复辟了，你的工作就干好了”。这个自白把不肯改悔的走资派代表资产阶级搞复辟的反动立场暴露得清清楚楚了。他们的这次表演，又一次证明了毛主席的英明论断：革命的谁胜谁负，要在一个很长的历史时期内才能解决。如果弄得不好，资本主义复辟将是随时可能的。全体党员，全国人民，不要以为有一二次、三四次文化大革命，就可以太平无事了。千万注意，决不可丧失警惕。
要把社会主义革命推向前进，就要在无产阶级专政下，对社会主义社会各方面存在的资产阶级法权加以限制。这也是思想停止在民主革命阶段的人不能接受而要加以反对的。社会主义社会还存在旧社会遗留下来的痕迹，存在着资产阶级法权，存在着三大差别。这些东西是产生资产阶级和资本主义的土壤和条件。限制资产阶级法权，逐步地铲除和消灭旧社会遗留下来的痕迹，这是社会主义时期一项长期的任务。社会主义革命越深入，就越要把这个任务提出来，越要着手这方面的工作。毛主席指出：“我国现在实行的是商品制度，工资制度也不平等，有八级工资制，等等。这只能在无产阶级专政下加以限制。所以，林彪一类如上台，搞资本主义制度很容易。因此，要多看点马列主义的书。”毛主席的指示反映了无产阶级和革命人民要把社会主义革命推向前进的愿望和要求，也引起了思想停止在民主革命阶段的人的害怕和抵触。资产阶级法权正是那些要阻止革命前进的人的命根子，他们所欣赏、所追求的就是这一块资产阶级法权。他们总是把资产阶级法权看成天经地义、不能触动的，总想把它强化和扩大。当革命革到这些人的头上，要求限制他们维护的那部分资产阶级法权时，他们就要跳出来反对。不肯改悔的走资派为什么那样仇视从各个方面限制了资产阶级法权的新生事物？为什么对批判物质刺激、知识私有等资产阶级法权思想提出种种责难？为什么那样害怕提出限制资产阶级法权的问题，并千方百计加以反对？为什么竟然明目张胆地同毛主席的指示唱反调，胡说“限制资产阶级法权，也要有一个物质基础，没有，怎么限制？”就是因为他代表资产阶级，他要维护并强化资产阶级法权，维护并扩大资产阶级赖以产生和存在的基础。这就进一步暴露了不肯改悔的走资派的资产阶级立场和世界观。
After the victory of the democratic revolution, the issue is whether to stop the revolution at the old stage and not going forward or to persist in making socialist revolution and strive for the goal of communism, that is, whether or not to persevere in making revolution against the bourgeoisie. Herein lies the fundamental difference between proletarian revolutionaries and bourgeois democrats and between Marxists and revisionists. The struggle between the two lines within the Party during the socialist period precisely centres on this issue.
Why does the capitalist-roader in the Party who refuses to mend his ways so resent the Great Cultural Revolution? Why does he regard the socialist new things which have emerged in the Great Cultural Revolution as a thorn in his flesh and something to be got rid of at all costs? Why is he so reluctant to part with the capitalist and revisionist trash which was repudiated in the Great Cultural Revolution, and is so eager to reinstate it? This is because, as Chairman Mao has said, “the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is in essence a great political revolution carried out under the conditions of socialism by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes.” This great revolution smashed the two bourgeois headquarters of Liu Shao-chi and Lin Piao, criticized their revisionist line, brought the capitalist-roaders in the Party under fire, made the bourgeoisie in the Party the target of the revolution, criticized the ideologies of the bourgeoisie and all other exploiting classes, and transformed education, literature and art and other parts of the superstructure not in conformity with the socialist economic base. All these run counter to the bourgeois interests represented by the capitalist-roader in the Party who has refused to mend his ways and to the capitalist road he is so eager to take. Because of this, people like him have inevitably become opponents of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
The birthmarks of the old society remain in socialist society as is the case with bourgeois right and the three major differences between worker and peasant, between town and country and between manual and mental labour. These provide the soil and conditions for engendering the bourgeoisie and capitalism. The long-term task in the period of socialism is to restrict bourgeois right and gradually wipe out the vestiges of the old society. The deeper the socialist revolution goes, the more imperative it is for us to put forward this task and set about to accomplish it.
Chairman Mao has pointed out: “Our country at present practises a commodity system, the wage system is unequal, too, as in the eight-grade wage scale, and so forth. Under the dictatorship of the proletariat such things can only be restricted. Therefore, if people like Lin Piao come to power, it will be quite easy for them to rig up the capitalist system. That is why we should do more reading of Marxist-Leninist works.” This instruction of Chairman Mao’s reflects the desire and demands of the proletariat and the revolutionary people to push the socialist revolution forward. At the same time it arouses fear and opposition from people whose ideology still remains at the stage of the democratic revolution. They want to retain these fundamental aspects of bourgeois right. These people come out in opposition when the revolution hits them directly by moving to restrict those aspects of bourgeois right which they wish to uphold. Why does this capitalist-roader who refuses to mend his ways hate the socialist new things which restrict bourgeois right in various fields? Why does he censure in every way the criticism of material incentives and of regarding knowledge as private property and other ideas arising from bourgeois right? Why is he so afraid of raising the question of restricting bourgeois right and why is he dead against it? It is because he represents the bourgeoisie and wants to safeguard and strengthen bourgeois right and safeguard and expand the basis on which the bourgeoisie is engendered and survives.
由于思想停止在民主革命阶段，因而同社会主义革命相抵触甚至相反对，这是二十多年来我们党内反复出现的一种历史现象。例如，一九五三年我们党决定实行统购统销政策，这是进行社会主义革命和社会主义建设的一个重要步骤。当时党内就有人跳出来坚决反对，他们虽然顶着共产党员的称号，却成了城乡资本主义势力反对社会主义革命的代言人。在农业合作化时期，刘少奇一伙大批砍掉合作社，而后又当算帐派，刮起一阵所谓合作社没有优越性的小台风。他们为什么会逆社会主义革命的伟大潮流而动呢？他们想的做的为什么同几亿农民想的做的，是如此不同甚至相反呢？根本问题就是他们的思想还停止在民主革命阶段，他们总是站在资产阶级立场上为少数人服务。正象毛主席所指出的：“他们老是站在资产阶级、富农、或者具有资本主义自发倾向的富裕中农的立场上替较少的人打主意，而没有站在工人阶级的立场上替整个国家和全体人民打主意。”又如，一九五七年资产阶级右派利用党的整风，向无产阶级发动猖狂进攻的时候，党内也有人主张资产阶级的纲领。他们同社会上的资产阶级右派互相呼应，要求实行资产阶级的“民主”、“自由”和“平等”，反对党的领导，尤其反对党对教育、科学的领导，鼓吹什么“外行不能领导内行”，“教授治校”等口号。他们实际上是主张走资本主义道路，反对走社会主义道路，反对无产阶级专政。一九五九年彭德怀右倾机会主义反对党的总路线，否定大跃进和人民公社，再一次暴露了一些人的资产阶级民主派的本来面目。他们要在社会主义革命时期推行资本主义的纲领和口号，这就不能不被社会主义革命的潮流所淘汰。
Resentment of and opposition to the socialist revolution stemming from ideology which remains at the stage of the democratic revolution—this is a historical phenomenon which has repeatedly appeared in the Party over the past 20 years and more. For example, our Party in 1953 decided to carry out the policy of planned purchase and marketing, an important step in undertaking socialist revolution and construction. At that time, there were people in the Party who leapt out in firm opposition. They were Communists in name, but spoke out for the urban and rural capitalist forces against the socialist revolution. In the period when agricultural co-operatives were being developed, Liu Shao-chi and his like disbanded large numbers of co-operatives and attacked the movement. What they planned and did was contrary to the wishes and doings of the peasants numbering hundreds of millions. In 1957, when the bourgeois Rightists took advantage of the Party’s rectification drive to launch a wild attack upon the proletariat, there were also people in the Party, who advocated a bourgeois programme in co-ordination with the bourgeois Rightists of that time. In 1959, Peng Teh-huai’s Right opportunism opposed the Party’s general line, negated the great leap forward and the people’s communes. This once again exposed the true colours of those who remained bourgeois democrats. These people, who tried to push forward a capitalist programme and bourgeois slogans in the period of socialist revolution, could not but be washed away by the current of the socialist revolution.
在社会主义革命时期，共产党内还会有一些人思想停止在民主革命阶段，用资产阶级的立场、世界观看待事物，这种现象并不奇怪。我们的党是伟大、光荣、正确的党。在伟大领袖毛主席的无产阶级革命路线指引下，党所领导的革命事业取得了伟大的胜利。但由于我们党在过去长时期内所领导的革命运动是资产阶级民主主义性质的，因此有不少资产阶级、小资产阶级民主主义者参加到革命队伍中来，包括加入无产阶级的先锋队。他们中有许多人接受了马克思列宁主义的教育，经过长期革命斗争的锻炼，已经逐步抛弃了资产阶级世界观，接受或树立了无产阶级的立场和世界观。但也还有少数人受资产阶级思想影响很深而又没有接受党的教育和改造，他们的立场、世界观没有发生变化。社会主义社会存在着资产阶级，它的思想也必然会影响到无产阶级先锋队中某些人，使他们变为资产阶级民主主义者、修正主义者。这些人的世界观总是要在政治问题和思想问题上用各种办法顽强地表现出来，要他们不表现是不可能的。因此，无产阶级政党对于这种要按照资产阶级的面貌来改造党、改造社会的企图，必须进行坚决的斗争。对于犯有错误的同志，我们党历来的方针是“惩前毖后，治病救人”。在当前这场斗争中，我们要继续执行这个方针，耐心地帮助犯有错误的同志，改正错误，以搞好团结，搞好工作。
It is by no means strange that, in the period of the socialist revolution, there are still some in the Party whose ideology remains at the stage of the democratic revolution and who deal with things from the standpoint and world outlook of the bourgeoisie. Ours is a great, glorious and correct Party. Under the guidance of our great leader Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line, the revolution led by the Party has won great victories. But because the Party over a long period in the past led revolutionary movements which were bourgeois democratic in nature, many bourgeois and petty-bourgeois democrats joined the revolutionary ranks and the vanguard of the proletariat. Many who were educated in Marxism-Leninism and were tempered in protracted revolutionary struggles gradually abandoned their bourgeois world outlook and accepted or fostered the proletarian stand and world outlook. But there are still a few who have been profoundly influenced by bourgeois ideology but have not accepted the Party’s education and remoulding, and their stand and world outlook remain unchanged. In socialist society, the bourgeoisie still exists and its ideology will inevitably influence certain people in the vanguard of the proletariat and turn them into bourgeois democrats and revisionists. Their world outlook is bound to find expression stubbornly on political and ideological questions by every possible means. One cannot expect it to do otherwise. When the socialist revolution is rolling forward, there inevitably are people who obstinately want to stop it and turn it back. Such people appeared in the past, are still around at present and will emerge in the future.
毛主席说：“我们反对革命队伍中的顽固派，他们的思想不能随变化了的客观情况而前进，在历史上表现为右倾机会主义。这些人看不出矛盾的斗争已将客观过程推向前进了，而他们的认识仍然停止在旧阶段。一切顽固党的思想都有这样的特征。他们的思想离开了社会的实践，他们不能站在社会车轮的前头充任向导的工作，他们只知跟在车子后面怨恨车子走得太快了，企图把它向后拉，开倒车。”在社会主义革命的车轮滚滚向前的时候，顽固地要把车子停下来、向后拉的人，总是会有的，过去有，现在有，将来还会有。不肯改悔的走资派不正是从这方面在给我们上课吗？但是，他们总是少数，真理不在他们手里，群众不在他们一边。群众要求革命，翻案不得人心。无产阶级必将战胜资产阶级和一切剥削阶级，社会主义必将战胜资本主义，共产主义一定能够在全世界实现，这个历史发展的总趋势是谁也改变不了的。
The proletarian Party must wage resolute struggles against such attempts to transform the Party and society in the image of the bourgeoisie. With regard to those comrades who have made mistakes, our Party’s consistent policy is: “Learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones and cure the sickness to save the patient.” In the current struggle, we should continue to adhere to this policy, patiently help those comrades who have made mistakes to mend their ways so as to promote unity and do our work well.
（原载《红旗》杂志一九七六年三一日，第三期； 载《人民日报》一九七六年三月二日。）
中英文没有完全对应