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1第一章 社会主义公有制.docx (81.7 KB)
The first chapter a socialist public ownership.docx (164.5 KB)
The first chapter socialist public ownership
The first section A great change in the relationship of ownership
The development of human society to this day has experienced five different social systems with a history of about one million years. How does human society develop? How do different social systems change? Before the emergence of Marxism, no one had given a scientific answer. In the mid-nineteenth century, the great teachers of the proletarian revolution, Marx and Engels, based on their personal participation in the class struggle and scientific experiments in the capitalist era, critically studied all the outstanding achievements of human culture, and made scientific answers for the first time .
The development of human society and the replacement of different social systems are mainly the result of the development of contradictions between social relations of production and productive forces, superstructure and economic base. In a society where classes exist, the basic contradictions of this kind of society are mainly reflected in the contradictions and struggles between classes.
The relations of production must be suitable for the development of productive forces, which is the objective law of the development of basic social contradictions. The development of productive forces requires the change of production relations and the change of production relations, which leads to the replacement of the superstructure of politics, culture and society. In the relations of production, the ownership of the means of production is the most fundamental relationship. For thousands of years, generations of working people have been working like cattle and horses, leading a miserable life with insufficient food and warm clothes. the root cause is that the means of production are in the hands of the exploiting class. Marx pointed out: “A person who does not have any property except his own labor force has to be a slave for others who possess the material conditions of labor in any social and cultural state.” He can only work with the permission of others, so he can survive only with the permission of others. "① Therefore, when we analyze the development of society and analyze that the socialist system replaces the capitalist system, we must start with the analysis of the reform of the ownership of the means of production. The socialist public ownership of the means of production is the inevitable outcome of the contradiction between capitalist private ownership and large-scale socialized production. However, it could not be produced in the womb of the old society. This is because the implementation of socialist public ownership of the means of production means the deprivation of the bourgeoisie. This is simply impossible in a capitalist society under the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie will never automatically withdraw from the stage of history. It is bound to mobilize all forces of society and make use of the superstructure it controls, especially the state machinery, to hinder the reform of capitalist relations of production. " Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun "② Only by smashing the bourgeois state apparatus with violent revolution and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat can the proletariat “deprive the exploiters” and turn the private means of production of the capitalists into the public property of all the working people. and carry out socialist transformation of the individual economy and establish socialist public ownership of the means of production in an all-round way.
The change of ownership is an important symbol to distinguish different social systems. The establishment of socialist public ownership indicates that our country has entered the socialist society. However, like all new socialist things, socialist public ownership has a long process of establishment and development in the struggle. In that case, how was it established and developed in the struggle?
① Marx: “A Critique of the Gotha Program.” “Selected Works of Marx and Engels” Volume 3 , People’s Publishing House, 1972 edition, page 5.
② “War and Strategic Issues”. “Selected Works of Mao Zedong” Vol. 2, People’s Publishing House, 1967 Horizontal Edition, p. 512.
Change capitalist ownership into socialist ownership by the whole people
Marx and Engels pointed out in the Manifesto of the Communist Party: “Communists can sum up their theories in one sentence: eliminate private ownership.” The historical experience of the Paris Commune in 1871 shows that if the bourgeoisie is allowed to continue to control the lifeline of the national economy after the proletariat has seized power, then the bourgeoisie will surely rely on its economic strength, in conjunction with its political and military counterattacks, to subvert the dictatorship of the proletariat and restore capitalism. In summing up the experience of the Paris Commune, Lenin profoundly pointed out that one of the two mistakes that ruined the brilliant victory of the Paris Commune was not to seize large enterprises such as banks, which were related to the economic lifeline of the country, to the proletariat.
Generally speaking, after the proletariat has seized political power, it will encounter such a situation that large capital and small and medium-sized capital coexist at the same time. Big capital represents the most reactionary relations of production, manipulates the lifeline of the national economy, is a serious obstacle to the development of social productive forces, and is the main economic basis of the reactionary rule of the bourgeoisie. The proletariat must immediately concentrate it into the hands of a state under the dictatorship of the proletariat by means of free confiscation. The great October Revolution led by Lenin drew lessons from the history of the Paris Commune. After the bourgeois state apparatus was smashed with revolutionary violence and the Soviet regime under the dictatorship of the proletariat was established, banks, railways, merchant shipping and large industries in various departments were immediately nationalized and socialist ownership by the whole people was established. This is the brilliant practice of the Marxist theory of " expropriating the expropriators".
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但是 两个错误 葬送了光辉的胜利果实。无产阶级在中途停了下来，没有“剥夺剥夺者”，而一味幻想在国内树立一种 最高的公理 ， 使全国团结起来 完成全民族的任务；没有夺取像银行这样的机构；蒲鲁东主义者关于“公平交换”等等的理论还在社会主义者中占统治地位。第二个错误是 无产阶级过于宽大 。本来应当消灭自己的敌人，但是它竭力 从精神上 去感化他们。它贬低了国内战争中纯军事行动的意义，没有向凡尔赛坚决进攻，以便在巴黎取得彻底的胜利，而是行动迟缓，使凡尔赛政府有时间纠集黑暗势力来准备五月的流血周。
But two mistakes destroyed the fruits of the splendid victory. The proletariat stopped half-way: instead of setting about “expropriating the expropriators”, it allowed itself to be led astray by dreams of establishing a higher justice in the country united by a common national task; such institutions as the banks, for example, were not taken over, and Proudhonist theories about a “just exchange”, etc., still prevailed among the socialists. The second mistake was excessive magnanimity on the part of the proletariat: instead of destroying its enemies it sought to exert moral influence on them; it underestimated the significance of direct military operations in civil war, and instead of launching a resolute offensive against Versailles that would have crowned its victory in Paris, it tarried and gave the Versailles government time to gather the dark forces and prepare for the blood-soaked week of May.
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① “The Communist Manifesto”. Selected Works of Marx and Engel, Volume 1 , People’s Publishing House, 1972 Edition, No. 265
page.
In the concrete practice of using the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism to guide our revolution, Chairman Mao made a scientific analysis of the capitalist economy in old China. The capitalist economy in old China is divided into bureaucratic capitalist economy (big capital) and national capitalist economy (small and medium-sized capital). The Chinese bourgeoisie is divided into bureaucratic comprador bourgeoisie (big bourgeoisie) and national bourgeoisie (small and medium-sized capitalists), and different party policies are formulated to deal with them.
The bureaucrat-bourgeoisie is the extremely reactionary ruling class in semi-colonial and semi-feudal China, and the bureaucrat-capitalist economy is the economic basis of the reactionary bureaucratic-bourgeois regime. Opposing bureaucrat-capitalism is one of the fundamental tasks of the new democratic revolution led by the Chinese proletariat. In view of the reactionary nature of bureaucrat-capitalism, Chairman Mao clearly stipulated the policy of confiscating bureaucratic capital "owned by the people’s republic led by the proletariat " in the process of leading the Chinese people to carry out the new democratic revolution.
Bureaucrat capital accounted for 80% of the fixed capital of capitalist industry and transportation in old China. The confiscation of bureaucrat capital and the transformation of bureaucrat-bourgeois ownership into socialist ownership eliminated the main part of China’s capitalist ownership and established a strong socialist economic foundation for the dictatorship of the proletariat. It has also created the necessary conditions for the transformation of small and medium-sized capital.
Although small and medium-sized capital accounted for only 20% of the fixed capital of industry and transportation in old China, it was numerous and wide in scope, covering every corner. In order to consolidate and develop the socialist economic foundation, we must also carry out socialist transformation of small and medium-sized capital step by step on the basis of confiscating large capital.
① “Report at the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.” “Selected Works of Mao Zedong” Volume 4 , People’s Publishing House, 1967 Horizontal Edition, page 1321 .
China’s national bourgeoisie came into being and developed under the historical conditions of semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, which determines that it has a dual nature: in the period of bourgeois-democratic revolution, it has a revolutionary side and a compromise side; in the period of socialist revolution, it has the possibility of being forced to accept socialist transformation and the reactionary demand for the development of capitalism. The industry and commerce run by the national bourgeoisie also plays a role in two aspects during the period of national economic recovery: on the one hand, it plays a positive role in increasing the production of products conducive to the national economy and the people’s livelihood, expanding economic exchanges between urban and rural areas, maintaining labor and employment, and so on. On the other hand, it has a destructive negative effect on socialist construction and people’s lives in terms of exploiting workers, being mercenary, and anarchy of production. According to the dual nature of the national bourgeoisie and the dual role of the national capitalist economy, Chairman Mao formulated for our Party a policy of utilization, restriction and transformation of national capitalist industry and commerce, that is, to make use of the positive role of capitalist industry and commerce, limit their negative effects that are not conducive to the national economy and the people’s livelihood, and gradually carry out socialist transformation of them.
The socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce in our country is carried out through various forms of state capitalism.
The nature of state capitalism is determined by the nature of state power. In capitalist society, state capitalism is a capitalist economy directly dominated by bourgeois states. It serves the bourgeoisie. State capitalism under the dictatorship of the proletariat is a state under the dictatorship of the proletariat that “can restrict and define the scope of its activities” The primary form of the state capitalist economy under the dictatorship of the proletariat in China has the forms of processing, ordering, unified purchasing and underwriting in industry, and purchasing and selling on a commission basis in commerce. The advanced form of state capitalist economy is the public-private joint management. In the practice of our country, this advanced form of state capitalism is divided into two stages of development, namely, the public-private joint management of individual enterprises and the public-private joint management of the whole industry.
① “The Political Report of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Brazzaville).” “Selected Works of Lenin” Volume 4, People’s Publishing House, 1972 edition, page 627.
Our country fully realized the industry-wide public-private joint management of private industry and commerce in 1956. After the industry-wide public-private joint management, the capitalists’ ownership of the means of production is only reflected in obtaining a fixed dividend according to the share of private shares, and the control of the means of production belongs entirely to the state and all the working people. The state may, in accordance with the needs of national economic development, carry out unified economic restructuring of public-private joint enterprises, such as merger, conversion, and so on. Therefore, the public-private joint management of the whole industry is a decisive step to transform capitalist industry and commerce into socialist enterprises owned by the whole people. The realization of public-private joint management in the whole industry indicates that the socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce in our country has been basically completed. When the fixed interest paid to the capitalists by the state has expired and the fixed interest is stopped, the public-private joint enterprises will become a complete socialist enterprise owned by the whole people.
Under the dictatorship of the proletariat, it is beneficial to the proletariat to use the method of redemption, that is, to transform the private capitalist economy in the form of state capitalism. It helps to divide the bourgeoisie, strengthen the socialist economic foundation, avoid production chaos and interruption that may occur as a result of the reform of ownership, and accelerate the pace of socialist construction. But this does not mean that class struggle can be replaced by class peace. In fact, in the whole process of socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, there is always the struggle of restriction and anti-restriction, transformation and anti-transformation between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. This struggle is reflected within the Party, that is, the struggle between the proletarian revolutionary line represented by Chairman Mao and the revisionist line headed by Liu Shaoqi. On the eve of national liberation, Liu Shaoqi and his gang tried their best to create counter-revolutionary public opinion that bourgeois “exploitation is meritorious”, clamoring to “allow capitalism to exist and develop for decades” and “to develop in parallel with state-owned enterprises.” with rampant opposition to Chairman Mao’s correct policy of utilizing, restricting, and reforming national capitalist industry and commerce. In this struggle, Liu Shaoqi and the inner-party bourgeoisie served as the backers of the non-party bourgeoisie. Under the guidance of Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, our proletariat and all the working people smashed the resistance of the bourgeoisie inside and outside the Party and won a decisive victory in the socialist transformation of capitalist industry and commerce in 1956.